Wednesday, September 7, 2011

Le voile se lève: epistemological trends and perceptions of pre-Napoleonic Egypt



Je suis tout ce qui a été et qui sera ; nul mortel ne pourra lever mon voile. [I am everything that has been and will be; no mortal shall be able to raise my veil]—Voltaire[i]

In the minds of the writers of the famous Description de l’Egypte published after the Napoleonic conquest of Egypt in the early 1800’s, the destinies of France and Egypt had long been interlinked. Had not, after all, the conquest of the nation been proposed from the time of the Crusades to that of Louis XIV?[ii] France had united all of its best efforts for the conquest of Egypt and all of its best artistic efforts for the description of it, which the writers now stated had at last produced a precise knowledge.[iii] Yet in this post factum approach to the epistemological revolution of sorts, much has been obscured and misconstrued about how this fusion of knowledge and conquest came to pass.


Some such as Maya Jasanoff have made the argument that France’s entrance into Egypt was driven by a desire primarily by imperialist competition with Britain and that consequently the birth of Egyptology was largely driven by imperialism. While I do not contest the validity of this argument as a narrative for these historical phenomena, here I will trace another narrative of knowledge about Egypt over the course of the century prior to the Napoleonic conquest and how this knowledge shaped and altered French conceptions and biases about Egypt ultimately ending in conquest.


While it is true that the first manifestation of the idea of conquering Egypt made its appearance more than one hundred years before the Napoleonic conquest to Louis XIV, we should not forget that this idea was not a French one. In fact, the proposal for the conquest of Egypt was presented to Louis by none other than the German philosopher Gottfried Leibniz, who acting in the interests of his country sought to divert French ambitions from Holland and the Holy Roman Empire and focus them instead on a military venture far away from Europe in Egypt. To this end, he applied all of his cunning in drafting the proposal to play upon Louis XIV’s ambition and Catholicism. In conquering Egypt, Leibniz said, Louis would be following in the footsteps of Alexander the Great creating an empire of the East, while at the same time winning a great victory for Christendom as a neo-Crusader.[iv]

While Louis may have been flattered by this proposal, he recognized it for what it was: a contrived plan of conquest whose author had no first hand knowledge of Egypt and used ancient and modern travel sources to discuss rather preposterously things such as the fortifications of Egypt.[v] Louis’s reply was diplomatic: Crusades had been ‘out of fashion’ since Louis IX (1226-1270).[vi] With that, the proposal passed out of knowledge until it was rediscovered and sent to Napoleon after the conquest of Egypt was well under way in September 1798.[vii]

Yet, the lack of first hand knowledge behind this proposal is precisely what is most interesting about it because it characterizes the state of knowledge about Egypt, or rather the dearth of it. For a long time, Egypt seems to have remained quite an obscure topic for individuals seeking to learn more about this mysterious, eastern land. In France, there had only been a precious few travelers’ accounts and remarks to be gleaned from classical texts, when Benoît de Maillet first sat down to write his memoires which would later become his Description de l’Égypte in 1735.[viii] For him, many questions remained unanswered on the origins of the Nile, the nature of the Nile, the country’s climate, the country’s productions, the country’s mores, the country’s religion, the nature of the ancient monuments, and finally the secrets that the country’s monuments held.[ix] It was a strange paradox that so little was known about a country which had such rich commerce and could control the Red Sea route to India.[x]

Yet, this lack of knowledge and interest in Egypt were soon to change. De Maillet’s original publication seems to have had quite the salutary effect of propagating the study of Egypt as his description was later republished five years later in 1740. Some years later, another writer Pierre d’Origny took up de Maillet’s mantel and went on to publish a history of Ancient Egypt where he continued to lament the dearth of sources and knowledge about Egypt, while simultaneously attempting to establish a chronology of the Pharaohs.[xi] Again, though, the problem endemic to his studies was a need for d’Origny to make history of Egypt better known and relevant to his readers.[xii]

Yet, the man who perhaps had an even greater impact on the growing interest in Egypt in light of future events was none other than Voltaire whose Essai sur les mœurs et l'esprit des nations appearing in 1756 attempted to sum up knowledge known on Egypt and answer several of the questions posed by his predecessors. Egypt was still a mysterious place religiously, geographically, linguistically etc. Perhaps, the best image of this mystery that Voltaire presents and the one that gained currency afterwards was a statue of Isis, which he reports quoting Plutarch as bearing the following inscription, “I am everything that has been and will be; no mortal shall be able to raise my veil.”[xiii] While the French philosopher does commit several schoolboy howlers in his translation of Plutarch’s Greek translating veil for πέπλος (peplos, a Greek full body garment with a hood) where the correct word for ‘veil’ would have been κάλυμμα, what is more interesting is that he does. [xiv]

The image of Isis, who as the best known Ancient Egyptian god to Westerners at this time metonymically speaks for Egypt in the inscription, is subtly altered by this mistranslation. Where raising the peplos of the goddess would have revealed her nude body and the secrets of the Isis cult, raising the veil of the goddess makes her essentially an image of the Orient, whose women are hidden jealously by their husbands in the eyes of the West from antiquity onwards.[xv] Egypt, as grammatically feminine in the French language (l’Égypte), was soon naturally conceived as a feminine country masked beneath a veil imposed by its tyrannical government in French minds from this time onwards. This veil soon became a French trope for talking about Westerners’ lack of knowledge about Egypt and also the tyranny of its masters, as it will be clearer later on.

For Voltaire, interested in how the development of the human spirit, the Egyptians dominated by such tyranny were hardly an appealing people. They had once perhaps been great and built great monuments, but those monuments were the product of slavery, despotism, and vanity.[xvi] They were also a weak and easily conquerable people. As he writes, “Never in known history were the Egyptians strong; never did an enemy enter their land and not subjugate them.”[xvii] In this negative portrayal of the Egyptians, Voltaire further created the notion of the inferiority of the Egyptians, whom he elsewhere labels ‘the most cowardly of peoples.’[xviii]

These notions of Egyptian inferiority stuck and were only reinforced by the descriptions brought back by travelers in the next couple of decades. As excitement for Egypt grew, the search for knowledge on the country and also ideas of its vulnerability and value were inextricably linked. About fifteen years prior to the Napoleonic invasion in 1798, Frenchman Claude Savary traveled to the Orient where he spent several years exploring and learning about Egypt and the Orient even learning to speak Arabic fluently. His series of letters to a friend back home were subsequently published under the royal seal of approval in a work entitled Lettres sur l’Égypte. In this work, he explored all sorts of topics about Egypt seeking to fill the void and raise the veil of mystery all the while discussing the riches of the country.[xix] Savary’s work soon met with success at home with the public, who began clamoring to learn more on Egypt via more letters.[xx]

Yet the picture that Savary paints of Egypt is like Voltaire’s before him quite bleak. The Egyptian government is tyrannical. The women of Egypt, to whom Savary pays special attention, unlike their free Western counterparts are masked beneath veils and the tyranny of their husband.[xxi] Especially troubling for Savary is what he views as a backward land is the superstition, mistrust, and ignorance of the Egyptians.[xxii] For Egyptians, Westerners are magicians and thieves as Savary writes citing an incident that befell a Westerner trying to explore and draw an ancient monument:

“Don’t light up your censer”, said gravely the Arab who was guiding him, “for fear that we might be caught immediately and something bad happen to us.”

“What do you mean? I don’t have a censer, fire, or incense.”

“Are you being funny? A foreigner like you does not come here out of pure curiosity.”

“Why’s that?”

“I know that you know by your science the place where is hidden the large chest full of gold that our fathers left us. If people see your censer, they’ll think that you’ve come here to open our casket by virtue of your magic spells and steal our treasure.”[xxiii]

The Egyptians then for Savary are an ignorant, superstitious people who fear Westerners are sorcerers and try to obstruct them in their quest for knowledge about the antiquities and monuments of Egypt.[xxiv] At another point in his letters, Savary further bemoans the situation of knowledge in Egypt in connection with antiquities. Confronted by a great labyrinth buried beneath the sands, Savary wishes that perhaps one day when Europe will give Egypt the sciences it received from it, the sands will be cleared away to reveal precious antiquities.[xxv] The past then in Egypt is neglected by the Egyptians, who know no better. They lack a proper education and hence it is the role of Europe to return to the East what the East gave to the West, though Savary does not say precisely how Europe would go about educating Egypt.

Similarly, Savary’s fellow travel writer, Constantin Volney had little good to say about the Egyptians publishing his narrative shortly after Savary in 1786. As a fellow traveler who adapted to the people and learned the language, Volney exposed the terrible state of political affairs in Egypt and paid particular attention to the state of the army in Egypt. The army of Egypt according to Volney knew nothing of modern military formations and was completely without order. The kind of war it waged was little more than brigandage.[xxvi]

Back in France, for readers of Savary and Volney along with Voltaire, Egypt must have seemed like a far off backward land that was undoubtedly inferior to Westerners militarily, governmentally, educationally, etc. hidden beneath a veil of uncertainty. However, it was art that first put into words the idea of conquest and colonialism, which came to later be espoused by the French Republic. In 1790, the Royal Academy of Music staged an opera entitled Louis IX en Égypte to public acclaim winning the Prix 12 Sols. While opera is not traditionally known for being historically accurate, this opera has only the slimmest pretence of it, expressing in harmonies and arias a story of French moral dominance over Egypt with another story of Louis XVI’s ancestor and namesake’s accomplishments.

The story begins with the Soudan (sultan) of Egypt who has just concluded a peace treaty with Louis IX and is treacherously plotting to kill Louis. But the sultan’s wife, the sultana, who believes her husband has killed their son, has fallen in love with Louis’s irresistible virtue and vows to thwart her husband’s plan. Yet, Louis’s virtue and care for his people is unparalleled. He is a good king, who stands in sharp contrast to the tyrannical sultan in the eyes of even his soldiers. Singing in harmony, the Mameluke troops expound their loyalty to the French king:[xxvii]

The King (to his French troops) //The Mamelukes

Your love is my recompense. //What kindness! What clemency!

Oh my children! Oh my friends! //What! His subjects are his friends!

Ah! For the good of France! //And us, slaves since childhood,

May the people and their king always be united! //Under the yoke of a Tyrant we grovel enslaved.

Everyone in Unison

Long live the King! Long live our father!

We will follow him to the end of the earth!

He can count on our loyalty!

Long live the King! Long live the King!

In the end of this opera, Louis wins over the men sent to kill him and the Mamelukes kill the sultan. Louis then sets Almodan, the sultan’s lost son miraculously reappearing, on the throne and marries him to his daughter. Louis then gives Almodan some precious counsel on how to rule.[xxviii]

The King

May your happiness be the measure of the public’s

Sultan, may this day be cited with joy;

your subjects enfranchised from the yoke of slavery

Give liberty to all immediately.

The opera ends with the Sultan giving liberty to all of his slaves and to the women in his court. While this opera undoubtedly carried with it the ideas of liberty inherent to the French Revolution, the stage was nevertheless set for new ways of thinking about Egypt. Egypt in this opera becomes a land in which France has an almost colonialist role playing the role of civilizer, bringer of liberties, and institutor of good government in the backward lands of Egypt.

This rhetoric is not unfamiliar because it would find its place in the justifications and proposals put forth by the Minister of the Exterior, Charles Talleyrand, when justifying the Egyptian campaign. It was to be a venture not only to strike the English and seize an important trade route to India, but also a colonial venture for the French Republic.[xxix] The stage was now set for Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt.

Of this invasion, I will say little because it has already been amply detailed elsewhere except for where the ideas of conquest pertain to French knowledge of Egypt. Napoleon, it should not go unnoticed, was well steeped in the ideas expounded by his predecessors about Egypt having met Savary earlier in his life and even traveled to Egypt with a copy of Voltaire’s Essai sur les moeurs et l’esprit des nations in his personal library.[xxx]

When the situation in Egypt was falling apart and he needed a way to distract his people from how bad the situation was, the researches and explorations of the savants were an ideal solution with Napoleon going so far as to even found the National Institute of Egypt comprised of his savants and even himself.[xxxi] The research of the savants then in Egypt was inextricably tied to the political and ideological needs of the French occupation with, for example, Napoleon’s research questions posed to the Institute seeking means to make bread or produce gunpowder.[xxxii] While most of Napoleon’s questions were preoccupied with establishing and searching for knowledge related to the welfare of the army and understanding the political state of Egypt, the rhetoric of the savants about Egypt morphed to fit into this colonial paradigm with the Institute being seen by some as a means through which the ignorance of Egyptians could be amended by the French.[xxxiii]

Egypt, the savants might have thought was well underway being studied and the veil that had long hidden it from the Western view had been removed until political forces forced the evacuation of the French from Egypt. In the eyes of one prominent savant, Vivant Denon, who published an account of his travels to Egypt in 1802 after the withdrawal, the door had swung shut again on Egypt and the country was veiled again from Western eyes.[xxxiv]

However, Egypt did not retreat again under a veil, as Denon thought it would. The Description de l’Égypte—perhaps named in tribute after de Maillet’s own work—published by his fellow savants as well as the subsequent decipherment of hieroglyphs instead opened up Egypt more than ever to the West. New issues were to emerge in subsequent years, but many of the original themes first raised by travelers and savants of the time prior to the Napoleonic conquest such as antiquities and the epistemological superiority of the French over the Egyptians continued to remain prevalent into the 1800’s. The story of the development of French knowledge about Egypt then is history of how an original lack of knowledge and a quest for information on this mysterious land developed and shaped early conceptions and biases about Egypt, which stuck and influenced conceptions of that mysterious veiled land.


[i] Voltaire. Essai sur les Moeurs et l’Esprit des Nations. p. 100

[ii] Description de l’Égypte. p. iii

[iii] ibidem. Prefatory Letter

[iv] Oeuvres de Leibniz p. 315, 319

[v] ibidem p. 81

[vi] ibidem p. 359: Je ne vous dis rien sur les projets d’une guerre sainte: mais vous savez qu’ils ont cessé d’être à la mode depuis saint Louis.

[vii] ibidem. p. xv

[viii] de Maillet p. iii

[ix] de Maillet p. iv-v

[x] de Maillet p. 187*

[xi] d’Origny p. xii

[xii] d’Origny p. xiv

[xiii] Voltaire. Essai sur les Moeurs et l’Esprit des Nations. p. 100

[xiv] Plutarch De Iside et Osiride p. 354C: τὸ δ’ ἐν Σάι τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς, [ὃ] ἣν καὶ Ἶσιν νομίζουσιν, ἕδος ἐπιγραφὴν εἶχε τοιαύτην ‘ἐγώ εἰμι πᾶν τὸ γεγονὸς καὶ ὂν καὶ ἐσόμενον καὶ τὸν ἐμὸν πέπλον οὐδείς πω θνητὸς ἀπεκάλυψεν.’ [The seated statue in Sai of Athena, which they believe to be Isis, has the following inscription, ‘I am everything that was and will be, and no mortal has ever lifted up my peplos.]

[xv] For the first perceptions of women behind the veil as a Western trope of women in the Orient, there is Plutarch’s remarks on barbarous nations in Plutarch Themistocles 26: τοῦ βαρβαρικοῦ γένους τὸ πολὺ καὶ μάλιστα τὸ Περσικὸν εἰς ζηλοτυπίαν τὴν περὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἄγριον φύσει καὶ χαλεπόν ἐστιν. οὐ γὰρ μόνον τὰς γαμετάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ἀργυρωνήτους καὶ παλλακευομένας ἰσχυρῶς παραφυλάττουσιν, ὡς ὑπὸ μηδενὸς ὁρᾶσθαι τῶν ἐκτός, ἀλλ’ οἴκοι μὲν διαιτᾶσθαι κατακεκλειμένας, ἐν δὲ ταῖς ὁδοιπορίαις ὑπὸ σκηναῖς κύκλῳ περιπεφραγμένας ἐπὶ τῶν ἁρμαμαξῶν ὀχεῖσθαι. [The barbarous nations, and amongst them the Persians especially, are extremely jealous, severe, and suspicious about their women, not only their wives, but also their bought slaves and concubines, whom they keep so strictly that no one ever sees them abroad; they spend their lives shut up within doors, and, when they take a journey, are carried in close tents, curtained in on all sides, and set upon a wagon.]

[xvi] Voltaire p. 97

[xvii] Voltaire p. 92

[xviii] Voltaire p. 93

[xix] Savary vol. I p. iv

[xx] Savary vol II. p. i

[xxi] Savary I p. 116

[xxii] Savary II p. 114-5

[xxiii] Savary II p. 71: “N’allume pas ton ensensoir, lui dit gravement l’Arabe qui le conduisoit, de peur que nous ne soyons surpris sur le fait, et qu’il nous arrive malheur.—Que veux-tu dire? Je n’ai ni ensensoir, ni feu, ni encens.-- Tu te moques; un étranger comme toi ne vient point ici par pure curiosité.—Et pourquoi donc?—Je sais que tu connois par ta science l’endroit où est cache le grand coffre plein d’or que nos pères nous ont laissé. Si l’on voyait ton encensoir, l’on croirait bientôt que tu serois venu ici pour ouvrir notre coffer par la vertu de tes paroles magiques, et enlever notre trésor.”

[xxiv] Savary II p. 71

[xxv] Savary II p. 29

[xxvi] Volney p. 130, 163

[xxvii] Louis IX en Égypte p. 22

[xxviii] ibidem p. 31

[xxix] Allonville pp. 109-112

[xxx] Bonaparte. Correspondance IV p. 27-8 n. 4

[xxxi] idem. Mémoires p. 24; idem. Correspondance IV p. 383

[xxxii] idem. Correspondance IV p. 390

[xxxiii] Herbin de Halle p. 182; Denon ‘Rapport’ p. 132

[xxxiv] Denon. Voyages. p. viii

Works Cited

Allonville, Armand François. Mémoires tirés d’un homme d’État. vol. 2. Brussels: 1839

Bonaparte, Napoleon I. Correspondance de Napoléon Ier. 30 vol. Paris: (1858-1870)

-----------------------. Mémoires de Napoléon Bonaparte. Paris: 1821

Champollion, Jean François. L’Égypte sous les Pharaons. Grenoble: 1811

Denon, Vivant. “Rapport au nom d’une commission charge d’examiner un monument près du grand aqueduct du Caire.’ in Mémoires sur l’Égypte publiés pendants les campagnes du général Bonaparte. vol I (1799)

---------------. Voyages dans la Basse et la Haute Égypte. 2 vol. London: 1807

Description de l’Égypte. 2nd ed. vol I. Paris: 1821

Guillard, François and Andrieux, Jean. Louis IX en Égypte. Avignon: 1790

Herbin de Halle, P.E. Conquêtes des Français en Égypte. Paris : 1799

Leibniz, Gottfried. Œuvres de Leibniz. ed. A. Foucher de Careil. vol. 5. Paris: 1864

de Maillot, Benoît. Description de l’Égypte. Paris : 1735

d’Origny, Pierre. L’Égypte Ancienne. 2 vol. Paris : 1762

Savary, Claude. Lettres sur l’Égypte. 2 vol. Paris: 1785-6

Volney, Constantin. Voyage en Syrie et en Égypte. 2nd Ed. 2 vol. Paris : 1787

Voltaire, Hilaire. Œuvres completes de Voltaire. vol. 16. Paris : 1784

Sunday, January 23, 2011

John Zonaras: Alexander Severus to Diocletian 222-284

Here I am republishing a work that I originally put online elsewhere detailing the period of the Barracks Emperors from the death of the emperor Elagabalus until the accession of the emperor Diocletian. I originally chose to work on this period and translate texts associated with the time of the Barracks Emperors because our primary sources for the period are so poor and fragmentary at times that we often have to look to later historians for the information that we might have culled from primary sources. The following extract comes from the long world history of the Byzantine historian John Zonaras who wrote in the twelfth century A.D. Zonaras writing at that time in history had access to more primary sources than we do now, so his history is of great use to us as it provides us with some of the information we have lost from other sources.



While his sources sometimes remain a mystery because Zonaras does not usually mention from whom he obtained the information, we can with some certainty say that he gained much of his information from historians that are known to us such as Dio Cassius, Herodian, Eusebius, and others, but also from others who are not as well known to us such as Dexippus and other fragmentary historians.



As far as I know, no one has really published or translated this section of Zonaras' history, so I hope that this is a useful contribution to students of the Barracks Emperor period which will supplement our Latin and Greek sources for the period. For those interested in reading more, the original Greek text with a Latin translation is available through Google Books, which is where I found the text translated below. You can find it here



With the false Antoninus slain, Alexander, the son of Mamaea, his nephew as the ancients called the cousins, succeeded to the throne. Immediately, he proclaimed his mother Mamaea Augusta, who then took over the administration of affairs and gathered about her son wise men to teach him ethics, as well as selecting the Senate’s best men to act as her counselors with whom she shared in all of the administration of the state. In addition, Domitius Ulpianus was entrusted with command of the Praetorian Guard and the administration of public affairs and he set right many of Sardanapalus’s deeds. He killed Flavian and Chrestus to succeed them, though not much later he was slain by the bodyguards when they attacked him in the night. Ulpianus was also still alive a short time before when a conflict broke out between the people and the Praetorian Guard where they fought each other for three days. The soldiers were defeated and set fire to the houses, so the people fearing for the city unwillingly reconciled themselves with them. Many other such rebellions happened that were stopped.


Alexander’s mother was a slave to money and gathered it up from all over. She also got her son a wife, who she did not permit to be proclaimed Augusta and after a short time separated from her son and sent off in exile to Libya, even though he loved her. He was not able to speak up to his mother, she ruled him.


In the meantime, the Persian Artaxerxes, who was [descended] from ignoble and disreputable men, converted the Parthian kingdom into a Persian one and made himself their king. It is said from him the family of Chosroes is descended. For after the death of Alexander of Macedon, his successors the Macedonians had ruled over the greater part of the Persians and the Parthians as well as other peoples, and then started fighting amongst themselves and so destroyed themselves. And so as they were weakened, Arsacides the first Parthian ruler revolted against them and took rule over the Parthians leaving it to his own descendants of whom the last was Artabanus. The said Artaxerxes defeated him in man three battles finally capturing and killing him. Then he marched on Armenia and was defeated by the Armenians and the Medians who attacked him with the sons of Artabanus. Recovering from the previous defeat, he then laid siege to Mesopotamia and Syria with a greater force threatening to recover all that had belonged to the Persians his ancestors. Then Artaxerxes overran Cappadocia with his Persians and laid siege to Nisibis. In the meantime, Alexander sent ambassadors to him asking for peace. However, the barbarian did not receive the embassy and instead sent four hundred of his greatest men clothing them with expensive robes, seating them upon the finest horses, and adorning them with superb arms to Alexander aiming to astonish him and the Romans. When they had arrived and come before Alexander, they said, “The Great King Artaxerxes commands the Romans leave Syria and all Asia adjacent to Europe and permit the Persians to rule until the sea.” Alexander arrested them, confiscated their arms and robes, took from them their horses, and spread them out over many villages and forced them to farm because he did not think it pious to kill them. He himself then gathered together his own troops and divided them into three parts and attacked the Persians. A great scourge broke out in the Persian camp and many Romans died not so much by the hand of the enemy but from the march home through the mountains of Armenia. It was freezing cold for the feet of the travelers, while some men were so unfortunate as to have their hands blacken and go frostbitten from the cold. For this misfortune the Romans held Alexander accountable. Accordingly, either from discouragement or a conjunction of the humors he fell very ill. When he had recovered, he made war on the Germans and did them grievous harm with javelin-men and archers. He also sent them ambassadors to reach an accord for sums of money. On this account, the soldiers were not too happy and rebelled. One Maximinus, a Thracian by birth, who had a child been a shepherd and later become a soldier, they took hold of and though he was unwilling named emperor. Taking command of his proclaimers, he then departed straightaway for where Alexander was staying. Informed of this, he called upon the soldiers around him to defend him and they responded. And when Maximinus was upon them, Alexander gathered together his army and ordered them to attack Maximinus’s men. However, they reviled his mother and abused her for her miserliness as well as mocking him as a coward, and then withdrew leaving him behind. Seeing himself deprived of any aid, he returned to his tent and got with his mother and wept. Maximinus then sent a decurion to them and so killed him, his mother, the people about them and took in hand the empire.


Mamaea, Alexander’s mother was repute for her virtue and reverent life. While she was staying in Antioch with her son on hearing about Origen she summoned him from Alexandria and made a profession of faith to him becoming very pious as Eusebius says and other writers. On this account, not only did he halt the persecution of Christians then, but also conferred honors on many Christians.


At that time, when Urban was bishop of Rome, Ippolutes, a most pious and wise man, flourished and became bishop of the portus in Rome and wrote many works discussing especially the Holy Bible. Asclepiades was at that time as well appointed over Antioch and directed the church of the faithful there, as well as Sardianus over Jerusalem.


With Alexander dead in the aforementioned way after a reign of ten years, Maximinus succeeded to the throne. Immediately, he instituted a persecution against Christians and ordered that the primates of the churches be slain as teachers and heralds of the mystery of Christ. He is said to have been driven by hatred of Alexander, who honored Christians. For he was filled with hatred for that emperor when appointed to the rank of commander by him, he marched off against the Persians and was disgracefully defeated so incurring imperial wrath. A second cause of the persecution was that there was many in Alexander’s household who recognized Christ Our God. At this time as well, Ambrosius, a learned man, who urged Origen on to write an explanation of the Holy Bible and amply supplied his expenses as well as supplying with seven shorthand writers who took turns writing down the work in order as well as no small number of scribes trained in calligraphy, who is said to have received the crown of martyrdom along with Protoctetus a presbyter.


Maximinus on learning this set out for Italy hurling many threats at the Senate. He, on learning that Maximus was advancing on him, while Albinus was staying behind to guard Rome, turned aside towards Aquileia with his Moors anxious to take possession of it beforehand. Aquileia is now said to be Venice. However, he was repelled from there since its defenders proved the better of him. Repelled from there he attacked Maximus’s forces and was defeated. He then retreated back to his own tent, while his soldiers and his bodyguard have risen up came before his tent with his own son as he had ordered them to. They then immediately came upon both of them and killed them. Maximinus was sixty five-years-old, of which he had reigned for six. The corpses were then beheaded and the heads received by the people of Aquileia first and then sent to Rome. The people of Rome fixed Maximinus’s head on a pole near the market so it should be visible to everybody.


Then Maximus returned to Rome where he was met by Albinus and the people and the Senate welcomed him with acclamations and applause. Both of them ruled together and ruled well. Yet the soldiers were not content because not they, but the Senate and the people had chosen their emperors. Then since the emperors had their differences with one another, this became the reason for their destruction. Since the soldiers had learned of their differences they came upon them and lead them both in chains through all the city not only abusing them like drunkards and mocking them, but also torturing them. Then informed that the Germans wanted to carry them off and save them, they killed lest this happen. Maximus was seventy four years-old, while Albinus was sixty. They reigned some thirty two days, with the others, not three whole months.


After them, they write that one Pompeianus took the throne and then very swiftly was deposed from it enjoying only a dream of authority before two months passed and he was deprived of it and slain. In others for some reason he is not found, but passed over in silence, while they have another one. After him, they go on instead to tell of Puplius Balbinus, they write out as having had only a taste of sole rule ruling for three months before he was killed, just when Gordian arrived from Libya , where as I have already said he was proclaimed emperor. On coming to Rome, Gordian fell ill, first because he was extremely old, having reached the age of seventy-nine, and secondly because he had been worn out by the long time he had spent in the boat, and died from this illness having been there only twenty two days. He was succeeded on the throne by his son called Gordian like his father.


Some tell that this was thus how things fell out, while others says that at the proclamation of the elder Gordian, some soldiers in Libya revolted, and after fighting a battle Gordian’s men were defeated and not only a great number of them were slain but also his own son. Suffering because of this, he hung himself and ended his life.


Others claim that his son the younger Gordian, after the elder Gordian died from disease, succeeded to the throne and also that he marched off against the Persians and met with them in battle and was pushing his horse on and urging his men on to battle, when his horse slipped and fell with him on it, his thigh being broken and him having to be carried back to Rome where he died from his injury after ruling six years.


Urban the archbishop of Rome was archbishop for eight years dieing during the reign of Maximinus being succeeded by Pontianus. The primate of the church of Antioch was Zebinus after Philetus. Under Gordian the younger the chief of the faithful in Rome, Pontianus, ended his life and was succeeded by Anteros who had devoted himself to the service of God for six years. Anteros was head of the church for the very shortest of times before passing on to the next life. After him, Flavian by divine selection became archbishop as Eusebius tells. It is said that when the faithful were gathered together to select who to elect to primacy Flavian was present having just come from the country and though there had been no mention of him for the primacy of the church, but others instead was busied with whether they would be preferred. In the middle of it, a dove flew in and landed on Flavian's head. Because of this, everyone assembled there had one voice in saying almost in agreement, "He is worthy," and elevated to the archbishop's throne having no qualms about it. At that time at as well, the primate of the church of the faithful at Antioch, Zebinus, died and was succeeded by Babylas. In addition, Origen was then staying at Caesaria in Palestine acquiring himself many students from all over including the great Gregory the Miracle-Worker and his brother Athenodorus. At that time as well Africanus [the African writer Julius Africanus] flourished.


After the younger Gordian died, yet another Gordian succeeded to the throne being in birth, as the saying goes, related to the departed Gordiani. He campaigned and made war on the Persians when Shapur the son of Artaxerxes was ruling that nation and defeated his opponents recovering Nisibis and Karas for the Romans, which had been seized by the Persians during Maximinus’s reign. Then as he was going towards Ctesiphon , he was slain by the treachery of Phillip, the prefect of his bodyguard. When Gordian first came to throne he made his father-in-law, called Timesocles, prefect of it. As long as he was there, his authority as emperor was fine and things went alright, but when Timescles died, he made Phillip its commander. He then wanting to make the soldiers revolt lessened their food supplies as though it had been commanded by the emperor. They say that he restricted the flow in of grain into the camp so as to lay low the soldiers with their want and so stir them to revolt. And so the soldiers revolted against the emperor rising up holding him responsible for their starvation and killed him after a reign of six years. Phillip then immediately seized his opportunity to take power. When the Senate was informed of the slaughter of Gordian, it decided to appoint another emperor. Immediately it proclaimed Marcus a philosopher emperor. However, he, before he could really do much, died suddenly in the palace. With his death Severus Hostilianus succeeded to the throne. However, he had barely taken up power before he payed his dues. For he fell ill and slit his wrist and died.


On returning to Rome, Phillip took hold of the Roman Empire. On the way home, he made his son Phillip his co-ruler. In addition, he made peace with Shapur the King of the Persians thereby ending the war with the Persians by conceding to them Mesopotamia and Armenia. Because he found the Romans displeased by the concession of these places to them, a short while later he set aside his accords and seized the places. Shapur was, as it is told, so massive such as no man had yet appeared.


On returning home, Phillip was well-disposed towards Christians, according to some he even converted to the Christian faith, so much so he even join in praying in churches with Christians and gladly confessed his sins. For the primate of the church refused to give him communion unless he confessed his sins and recounted his repentance, which he is said to have obeyed. Some say moreover that he was the father of martyr Eugenia, but here they make a mistake. For he is said to have become a prefect, but of Egypt and not the bodyguard, and for his faith in Christ he turned down the office and was arrested and martyred for it.


The emperor Phillip also waged war against the Scythians and the returned to Rome. In addition, one Marinus, a commander of a squadron in Mysia, was raised up by his soldiers to become emperor. For this reason, Phillip was confounded and discussed the rebellion with the Senate. While the others stood by in silence, Decius said to him that he should not be greatly concerned as Marinus would be killed by his own soldiers since he was unworthy of the throne. A short while later, his utterance came to pass. Phillip was consequently amazed with Decius and charge him to set out for Mysia and punish those responsible for the rebellion. Decius begged him not to send him saying that it was not in his own interests or the sender's to dispatch him. Yet Phillip was not to be put off. And so, Decius unwillingly departed and straightaway his soldiers proclaimed him emperor. He tried to reject it, but his soldiers drew their swords and forced him to accept it. He then wrote to Phillip telling him not to cause trouble because if he could get to Rome he would set aside the insignia of imperial rule. However, Phillip did not believe him and marched off against him joining battle with Decius's men being among the first to fall in the combat. Along with him, his son Phillip was slain. With them dead, everyone submitted to Decius. He had reigned some five years, while others say six by a couple of months. He came from Bostri where during his reign he built a city bearing his name naming it Phillipopolis.


Decius then with all of the troops in submittance to him, as it was said, returned to Rome and was invested with the imperial office. He was attentive to respect for his authority and the management of [public] affairs, so some say, appointing Valerian to manage them. Immediately, they commenced a battle of gods [or 'with God] instituting a vehement persecution of Christians. There are some who say that due to his hatred for Phillip, Decius attacked the Christians since he had held them in awe and so he was wrathful towards the faithful. At this time, Flavian, the chief of the church in Rome met the end of a martyr, while Babylas the chief of the church of the faithful in Antioch as well as Alexander bishop of Jerusalem, who did not suffer the ultimate fate for the Christian faith on the first day, but on the day after, as it has already been said, and died confined to a prison. In addition, Cyprianus the Great, bishop of Carthage, suffered the ultimate fate for Christian faith. With the said archpriests dead, Cornelius became bishop of Rome in place of Flavian, while Flavian in place of Babylas in Antich, Dionysius in Alexandria, Mazabanes in Jerusalem in place of Alexander. Many others suffered martyrdom at that time.


Then as well Origen came before the tyrannical bench as one of the faithful, but did not meet with martyrdom, I believe, because God did not think him worthy of this on account of the wretched man's distortion of the teachings of the true faith. And so he was reprieved from them after torture. He had, as it was already said, become very learned becoming arrogant and pretentious on account of this not following the dogma of the fathers before him but becoming the introducer of his own new dogma uttering blasphemy on the Holy Trinity and the divine incarnation from the painful treasure-house of his heart and became the head of this heresy. He taught that God's only born son was different in glory and substance than the father and placed the Holy Spirit beneath the honor of the father and that of the son saying that the Son was not able to his Father, nor the Spirit the Son as though neither the Spirit the angels nor the angels humans. These were Origen's blasphemies pertaining to the holy and one-substanced Triad. As for his blasphemies pertaining to the incarnation of the Son of God, he impiously maintained that Christ was not put into the flesh through the Holy Virgin. For he fancied that the only born son of God was united with the Mind before the creation of the world, which he formed anew from selections and unsettled turmoil [dust?], and along with this that he was incarnated at the furthest and took to the flesh to the flesh without a reckonable and perceivable spirit. He taught as well that the Lord set aside the flesh again and left for his kingdom. As for the spirits, he maintained that there would be punishment for a time, but not forever, only to purify the person of their sins so that once purified both all men and spirits returns to the Union. Concerning this Union, it requires talk at length to expose its nonsense, so it was passed over here along with his other blasphemies.


Such is what they say about Origen, who they used to call Adamantius. Then Nauatus became head of the Roman Church as the head of the heretics who called themselves the Cathars denying entry to those who had submitted during the persecution and sacrificed to the idols even if they had turned away from them and confessed or permit those who had fallen seeking a cure for their error from the depths of their heart. Under him, a synod was convened in Rome with Cornelius as its head. During it, it was decided that they must accept those who had fallen away during the time of the persecution who wished to return healing them with the drugs of conversion. When Nautus did not yield to the synod's decrees, those holy fathers of the Church were alienated from him and denounced him as a hater of his brothers.


Eusebius mentions the following story from the letter of Dionysius, the bishop of Alexandria. He says Dionysius put this to writing, "There was one Sarapion, a faithful old man amongst us living blamelessly, who fell during the trial. He asked many a time, but no one would go near him, since he had sacrificed. Then he became ill and for three successive days he continued speechless and senseless, but on the fourth recovering somewhat, he called his daughter's son saying to him, 'Hurry, fetch me a priest', and then again fell mute. The boy ran to get a priest, but the priest was not able to come to him and he was sick, but as I had issued an injunction that those who were about to die if they needed it and had previously been begging to be released should receive remission and that they might depart in good hope, he gave the boy a small part of the Eucharist instructing him to soak it and let the drops fall into the old man's mouth. The boy returned carrying it. As he drew near before entering, rousing himself again Sarapion said, 'Have you come, my child? As the priest was not able to come, do quickly what was commanded and release me.' The boy soaked it and dropped it into the mouth of his elder, who a short while after he had swallowed it gave up the ghost. Is it not evident that he was preserved and his life continued until he was absolved and his sin having been blotted out, that he could be acknowledged for the many good deeds he had done?" Such what Dionysius relates.


Decius thus disposed towards the faithful did not last two whole years on the throne of the Romans before he was slain most shamefully. As barbarians were plundering the Bosporus, Decius went and fought killing many of them. As they were in hard pressed, they promised to leave behind all the plunder if they were permitted to depart, but Decius did not give into them and instead charged Gallus, one of the senators, to not permit them to make their crossing . Yet Gallus secretly, plotting against Decius, came to an agreement with them for them to form their lines next to a deep nearby marsh. When the barbarians thus arranged gave flight, Decius pursued and fell into the marsh along with his son and a number of Romans, where they were all lost, such that not even their bodies could be found, which were covered up by the mud of the marsh.


Thus Gallus took power, who some of the writers say was called Volusian, while others have written that Volusian was his son who ruled with him. So Gallus took over the dominion of the Romans and made peace with the barbarians on the conditions that the Romans would pay a yearly tribute and in return they would not ravage Roman possessions. Having made peace in this way, he returned to Rome and proclaimed his son, Volusian, Caesar. He also became severe towards Christians no less than Decius before him instituting a persecution of them in which he killed many of them. Under him, the Persians took action again and seized Armenia, since it king, Tiridates, had fled and his sons were loyal to loyal to the Persians. In addition, Scythians nearly beyond numbering invaded Italy and overran Macedonia, Thessaly, and Greece as well. It was said that a contingent of them passed by the Bosporus, marched beyond the Maeotian Lake and came upon the Black Sea ravaging many lands. Many other nations attacked the Roman Empire at that time. However, plague at that time also broke out starting from Ethiopia and encroached on all the land to the east and west emptying many cities of their inhabitants lasting for nearly fifteen years. Furthermore, when the Scythians, to whom an annual tribute specified by agreements with the Romans, came to take it, they said it was less than what had been promised to them and departed holding out threats. Aemilianus, a Libyan man, commander of the army in Mysia, was then sent along with his soldiers to give the Scythians all that they were due, rather to attack the barbarians. They came upon the Scythians unaware and apart from a few killed all of them and took the greater part of their plunder from them and overran their lands. For this reason, Aemilianus was puffed up with his success and persuaded the soldiers under him to proclaim him emperor of the Romans. He then immediately gathered together his forces and set out in haste to seize Italy. When knowledge of this reached Gallus he fitted out another force and aligned himself against Aemilianus. Both armies clashed and Gallus's men were defeated, so they attacked their emperor and killed him along with his son, after a reign of two years and eight months, and declared themselves for Aemilianus and chose him for rule.


Aemilianus was in this way proclaimed emperor and sent [messengers] to the Senate announcing that he was going to deliver Thrace from the barbarians, march off against the Persians, and doing everything and fight as their general leaving to the Senate rule. However, before he could do any of this, Valerian rose up against him, who as commander of the forces beyond the Alps on learning of Aemilianus, usurped the throne for himself. He hastened then [from there] and lead his forces on Rome. Aemilianus's men, deciding that they were not equal of Valerian's army, since they did not want to kill and be killed by Romans and fight their own people, and especially because they did not reckon Aemilianus worthy of the throne, inglorious and vile, believing that Valerian was more appropriate for power and certainly more fit to take over matters, they killed Aemilianus who had lead not more than four months aged forty years-old. They declared themselves to Valerian and delivered up to him the Roman Empire without a fight.


After Flavian had been martyred in Decius's reign, as it was said, Cornelius succeeded to the archbishopric of Rome and after an illustrious three years he ended his life and Lucius ascended the archbishopric throne, who after not quite eight years died in the bishopric of Rome. Then Stephan succeeded to the bishopric, who issued an order not to baptize Christians lapsing into heresy, but purify them with a prayer through the application of the hands. His letter about this is recorded by Cyprianus the holy martyr. When Stephan died two years later, Xystus succeeded to the archbishopric of Rome. Then also the heresy of Savellius was moved to Ptolomais in Pentapolis.


Such was that about the archbishops of Rome. Valerian then with his son Galienus took over the Roman Empire and persecuted Christians more violently. Many of them in diverse countries became martyrs suffering in many ways for their faith in Christ. In his reign, foreign nations rose in revolt and the Romans fared badly. For the Scyths crossed the Ister and again enslaved the land of Thrace besieging the illustrious city of Thessalonica, though they did not conquer it. Everyone was inspired with fear of them, such that the Athenians rebuilt their own city wall in ruins since the days of Sulla, while the Peloponnesians walled off the Isthmus from sea to sea. In addition, the Persians, when Shapur was king, overran Syria, ravaged Cappadocia, and besieged Edessa. Valerian hesitated to fight his enemies. However, on learning that soldiers in Edessa had sallied forth from the city and attacked the barbarians slaying many of them and taking a great number of spoils, he took heart and left with the army loyal to him and fought the Persians. They encircled the Romans all in their squares and the greater part fell, some fled, and Valerian along with the men about him was taken captive by his enemies and bore off to Shapur, who on taking hold of the emperor, supposed himself to rule over all. Cruel he was before, afterwards he became much worse.


Thus is how they have told the story of how Valerian was captured by the Persians. They are willing to say that Valerian submitted to the Persians because as he was fleeing to Edessa, starvation broke out among his soldiers, who because of this rebelled and sought to kill the emperor. Fearing the rebellion of his soldiers, he fled to the Shapur, so that he would not be killed by his own men, and surrendered himself up to his enemy as well as the Roman troops under him. However, the soldiers were not lost, but learning of this treachery fled, only a few being slain. Whether the emperor was taken in war by the Persians or he willingly handed himself over to them, he was treated dishonorably by Shapur.


The Persians then fearlessly attacked and seized the cities of Antioch by the Orontes, the most illustrious of the cities Tarsus, and Caesarea in Cappadocia. And as for the multitude of captives lead off, they did not give them food unless they were about to die, nor did they permit them their fill of water, but only once a day their captors drove them to water like sheep. Caesarea, which was well populated said to have 400,000 inhabitants and had not previously been conquered, nobly had its inhabitants resist them led by Demosthenes, a brave and wise man, before a doctor was taken captive, who unable to bear the tortures inflicted on him revealed a place from which the Persians entered and killed everyone. Their commander Demosthenes surrounded by many Persians ordered to take him alive, got on his horse with his sword out charged into the midst of the enemy. He cut down many of them before got out of the city and was able to flee.


Thus was how things came about with the Persians, as they scattered about the Roman land in the east and pillaged fearlessly. The Romans who took flight, as it was said, declared themselves to their commander one Callistus, who on seeing the Persians scatter about and attacking the lands thoughtlessly not supposing anyone would stand against them, he attacked a mob of them killing a great number of barbarians and conquered Shapur's brave young men along with much riches, who much pained for them returned home leading along Valerian, who died in Persia, a prisoner abused and mocked.


Not only did Callistus do fine work against the Persians then, but also a Palmyrene man called Odenathus, who allied with the Romans killed many Persians who he attacked as they were returning home near the land along the Euphrates. Galienus in exchange for this act of generalship made him commander of the east.


Amongst the fallen spoils of the Persian army are said to have been found women dressed and armed as men as well as some still living who were taken captive by the Romans. As he was coming home, Shapur came across a deep ditch, which his beasts of burden were unable to cross, so he ordered the captives to be slain and thrown and thrown down in the ditch so that its depth might be filled with their corpses and his beasts of burden able to cross. Thus is told how he crossed the ditch.


When all of this happened to Valerian, the Roman church was lead by Xystus, while Demetrianus succeeded Flavian to that of Antioch, Hymnaeus to that Jerusalem when Mazavanus died, while Dionysius was elevated to that of Alexandria.


After Valerian, his son Galienus, his son, took over the Roman Empire, who his father when he went off against the Persians let stay behind in the west and oppose the men who were dug into Italy and ravaging Thrace. Near Mediolanum [Milan] he met up with about 300,000 Alamans and defeated with myriads of them. Then he came upon and seized Aerulois [Aerulius?], a Scythian by birth and a Goth. He also made war on the Franks.


Auriolus was from the land of Getica later called Dacia descended from an insignificant family, having been a shepherd before, though Fortune wanted to set him on high, so he went on campaigns and became very experienced [such that] he was made in charge of the imperial cavalry. Since he was very good at this, he earned his master’s favor. When the soldiers in Mysia revolted and proclaimed Ingenuus emperor and Galienus went to resist him near Sirmium with the others bringing along Maurousii [Moors?], who were said to have been descended from the Medians, Auriolus bravely acted as commander of the cavalry fighting with his horsemen and killing many of Ingenuus’s supporters, while turning the rest to flight, such that Ingenuus himself decided to flee and was killed while he was fleeing by his bodyguards.


Again Postumus rose up against Galienus. Since the emperor had a child by the same name clever and fair of face who was his successor to the throne, he left him in the city of Agrippina to help the Gauls who were being ravaged by the Scyths. He entrusted him to one man called Albanus because of his son’s youth. Postumus was left in the fortress on the Rhine River to stop the barbarians living beyond it from crossing onto Roman land, though secretly some of them did cross the river and carry off a lot of plunder, so he attacked them on their way home slaying many of them and seizing all of their plunder, which he immediately distributed to his soldiers. On learning of this, Albanus sent [someone] to request and carry back to him and younger Galienus the plunder. Postumus then called his soldiers together to appropriate from them their shares of the plunder contriving to get them to revolt. This happened and so he attacked the city of Agrippina with them. The people of the city handed over the emperor’s [note: basileus] son and Albanus, whom he both killed.


When Galienus found this out, he departed against Postumus and after fighting with him he was defeated, and then seized the upper hand as Postumus turned to flight. He then sent Auriolus to pursue him. But he, although he was able to take hold of him, did not want to pursue him that far, but said on returning that he had not been able to take hold of him. Postumus thus having fled banded together his army again. And again Galienus marched on him and in a city in Gaul he locked in the besieged the usurper. During the siege the emperor was wounded with an arrow in the midriff and fell sick because of it, so he dissolved the siege.


In addition, further conflict came on Galienus from Macrinus, who with his two sons Macrianus and Quintus tried to seize power. And he, because his legs were maimed, could not cloth himself with the imperial raiment, so he stretched it around his sons. The people of Asia warmly received him, who after shortly spending time with the Persians got ready and marched off against Galienus putting Ballistas in charge of resisting the Persians, who he appointed commander of the cavalry and left behind with his son Quintus. Then the emperor sent Auriolus against his son and emperor with some other soldiers. Battling with them they surrounded them and killed some of them sparing them since they were their own people and hoping that they would declare themselves for the emperor. However, they did not give in. By some chance happening everyone declared to the emperor. As they were coming near the usurpers they held their standards up straight, but one of the standard bearers as they were going out got his feet caught in it and fell while his standard fell down when he fell. The remaining men who were carrying the standards, on seeing the fallen standard and not knowing how it had fallen, assumed that its bearer had lain it down to desert to the emperor. Immediately, they laid them all down, dashed them to the ground, and praised the emperor, while only the Paeonians remained of Macrinus's men. Then since they wanted to get rid of them, Macrinus and his son, who had not paid them what they were due, they killed them and thus submitted to the emperor. Having done this the Paeonians surrendered themselves.


As for Quintus, Macrinus's younger son, who was in the east with Ballistas, he had nearly subjugated all of it. Because of this, Galienus sent Odenathus, ruler of the Palmyreni. When news of the defeat of the Macrini in Paeonia was announced to Quintus and Ballistas, many of the cities under them deserted them. Then they went to Emesa. When Odenathus got there, he fought them and defeated them slaying Ballistas himself, while the people of the city killed Quintus. The emperor rewarded Odenathus for this brave deed by appointed him commander of all the east.


As for Odenathus, who was great, faithful to the Romans, and had acted finely in many ways against diverse nations and against the Persians, he was slain by his own nephew, the son of his brother. This man, when he was hunting with his uncle his uncle, when a wild beast leapt out he killed it with arrows before [Odenathus could do anything about it]. So Odenathus became indignant at and threatened his nephew. He would not cease, but both two times and then three times he did this. Odenathus became angry and took away his horse, since this is reckoned a great insult by barbarians. Accordingly the youth was furious and threatened his uncle, who because of this clapped him in irons. Then the elder of Odenathus’s sons asked him to release him from the bonds. And so he was freed and banqueted with Odenathus coming upon him with a sword killed him and his own son, by whom he had been freed. He himself was slain when some people attacked him.


Again another rebellion took place against Galienus, which Auriolus raised, archon of all the horses who was very powerful. He took the city of Mediolanum [Milan] and got ready to fight the emperor. He came forth with a great force and opposed the upstart slaying many of his supporters. At this time as well Auriolus was founded and shut up inside Mediolanum while being besieged by the emperor. When Galienus made raids [ἐπεκδρομὰς] against some of his enemy, the empress once fell into danger, since she had accompanied him there. While the emperor went on the raids with the greater part of the soldiers, a few of them were left behind near the palisade. The enemy on seeing this, came upon the emperor’s tent intending to seize the empress. One of the soldiers left behind was seated in front of the tent with his sandal of his foot stitching it. When he saw the approach of the enemy, he seized a shield and a dagger and angrily charged them. He dealt one a blow and a second one and drove off the others who took fright at his charge. Thus the greater part of the soldiers fled and the emperor’s wife was saved.


While the emperor was still besieging Mediolanum, Aurelian with some horsemen came to him with whom the great men [of the empire] had plotted to kill him, though they were holding off on it until Mediolanum had been taken. On learning that their scheme had been found out, they hastened their treacherous plot. They then sent some men announcing that the enemy was coming upon Galienus, who at once set out against them, since time was nigh though few of them joined in the attack with him. While he was marching off, he met with horsemen who did not keep far away from him, go away, or do anything else which is customarily done towards the emperor, so he asked the men present, “What do they want?” They replied, “To remove you from office.” He immediately reined his horse and turned to flight. He would have escaped the plotters by the swiftness of his horse, had not he gone in to a stream of water. His horse was afraid to pass over it and so his pursuers caught up with him and one threw his spear at him. Hit by it, he fell from his horse and after a little while died by bleeding to death, having reigned fifteen years including those with his father. He was lavish minded and wished to please everyone; there was no one who had anything to find fault with him for. He took no vengeance on his enemies or on upstarts.


Thus is how they tell that Galienus was slain, while some others say he was slaughtered by the governor Heracleianus. When Auriolus was commander of the Celts and rose up against him coming on Italy with his forces, Galienus went off against him. One night, Heracleianus came before him while he was sleeping in his tent sharing in the plot with Claudius a very good general announcing to him that Auriolus was already on him with a mighty force. He was befuddled by this sudden announcement and got up from his bed and half-naked asked for his arms. Heracleianus dealt him a fatal blow and killed him.


In those times, Xystus was in charge of the Roman Church dying after eleven years and being succeeded by Dionysius. Paul the Samosatian then took over the Church, who wrote treaties humbly about Christ that his nature was that of a normal man and not of God. The heads of the remaining churches sat together in synod against this during which Gregory the Miracle-Worker and his brother Athenodorus accused him of erring about Christ and condemned him. As he could not be persuaded to give up his position in the Church, Aurelian who was then ruling was delivered a petition concerning him by the Orthodox and so issued an order that the Church belonged to those who the bishops in Rome and Italy should appoint. For this reason, Paul was driven from the Church in dishonor and in his place was installed Domnus.


After Galienus's murder, Claudius was proclaimed Caesar. Auriolus then set down his arms and submitted to him, though he tried to usurp the throne again only to be slain by the soldiers. Claudius was a good man abounding in justness, so he forbid everyone to seek unlawful things from the emperor. For emperors before had been accustomed to be able to give unlawful things, so that due to this the laws still standing got their start from the state. There was a woman, whose village he had received as an imperial gift before he became emperor, who came before him and said, "Claudius the commander of the cavalry wronged me." He replied, "What Claudius took from you whilst a private citizen with no concern for the laws, he will now make amends as emperor."


In Rome, the Senate on learning of the murder of Galienus put to death his brother and his son. While Postumus was still usurping and the barbarians having crossed by the Maeotian Lake to Asia and Europe were ravaging them, a session of the Senate was held to decide on whom war must be undertaken during which Claudius said, “War with the usurper is for my good, but war with the barbarians is for that of the state and so that one for the state must be preferred.”


The barbarians overran many countries and laid siege to Thessalonica, which of old is said to have been called Emathia and later named Thessalonica after the daughter of Phillip, Casandrus's wife Thessalonica. However, they were repelled from this city so they marched on Athens capturing the city. They then gathered together all the books in the city planning to burn them. Yet one of their wise men stopped them from doing so, saying that through them the Greeks who had been unschooled in the essays of war had become in this way skilled. Cleodemus, an Athenian man, then was able to escape and gathered together an army and came upon then by boat from the sea killing many of them such that the remaining men took flight from there. Claudius then set out against them scattered about many countries and defeated them some times in sea battles and sometimes by land battles. The winters also took a toll on them and famine ensued devastating them. While staying in Sirmium, Claudius fell ill and called together the most erudite body of his troops discussing with them who the next emperor should be and saying that Aurelian was worthy of imperial rule. There are those who say that he immediately proclaimed him emperor. Others say that the Senate in Rome on learning of the death of Claudius elevated his brother Quintilian to imperial rule through its love for Claudius, while the body of soldiers proclaimed Aurelian. Quintilian, a plain man on whom administration had been thrust, on learning of the proclamation of Aurelian killed himself slitting the vein of his own hand and letting the blood flow from there having had but a dream of imperial rule for seventeen days. However, writers do not agree with each other as to the duration of Claudius's reign. Some tell that he reigned for one year, while others say two, among whom are Eusebius.


The son of the emperor Claudius's daughter was Constantius the Pale, the father of Constantine the Great.


And so Aurelian succeeded to the Roman Empire and asked those in power how he should rule. One of them said to him that, “If you want to rule well, you must protect yourself with gold and steel making use of steel against those who vex you and rewarding those who serve you with gold.” He first, it is said, rebuked this counsel, though not much later he made a trial of steel.


This emperor although he at first conducted himself moderately towards Christians, later as time went by under his sole rule changed and he himself planned to start a persecution of the faithful having already written the edicts. However, divine justice stopped him from going through with his malevolence against the Christians by ending his life.


However, before telling of his end we must first talk about his deeds during his reign. He was a superb general who won many wars. He defeated the Palmyrians by making war and subduing their queen Zenobia who had held Egypt and even captured Probus, the commander there at that time. Some say she was brought to Rome and married to one of their most eminent men, while others say she died en route grieved at her change of fortune though one of her daughters Aurelian took as his wife, while the rest were married to eminent Romans.


He also recovered for the Roman Empire the Gauls after they had been possessed by usurpers for many years and installed commanders in them before returning to Rome which he entered triumphantly upon a chariot drawn by four elephants. He also fought with the Gauls then rebelling. When he was on campaign on against the Scyths, he was slain coming to Thracian Heracleia. For there was a man called Eros who acted as a conveyor of external responses and, as some tell, a spy for the emperor reporting to him what was being said about him, who, when Aurelian got mad at him began plotting against him. In imitation of Aurelian's letters, he composed a letter containing the names of some powerful men and ordering them to be put to death, which he showed to them and so convinced them to murder the emperor. For they were afraid for their lives and so came upon Aurelian and murdered him after six years of rule short only a couple of months.


He was succeeded by Tacitus, an elderly man recorded to have been seventy-five years old when he was chosen for sole rule. The body of soldiers assembled proclaimed him and then departed since it was still then in Campania. There after making his choice, he came to Rome in a private citizen's clothing and was adorned with the imperial garb with the approval of the Senate and the people. The Scyths then crossed the Maeotian Lake and the Phasis River into the Pontus and Cappadocia marching until Galatia and Cilicia. There Tacitus and the governor Florianus fought them and killed many, while the rest effected their salvation through flight. In the meantime, Maximinus his kinsmen who he had entrusted with command of Syria had ruled badly and so was slain by his soldiers. His murders then fearing that the emperor would not grant them amnesty pursued and killed him too, such that he not yet reached the seventh month of his reign or, according to others, not two whole years.


With him dead, two men were proclaimed emperor: Probus in the East by his soldiers and Florianus in Rome by the Senate. They both ruled with Probus in Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine and Florianus from Cilicia until Italy and the Western Provinces. However, he did not last three months on the throne before he ended his life and reign slain by soldiers sent by Probus. With his death, it is said, Probus took full authority. He is told to have been very famous and won many victories over many nations even gathering together, pouring abuse on, and killing the soldiers who killed Aurelian and Tacitus.


When Saturninus the Moor, who was very dear to him, rose up in revolt he punished the man who informed him of it putting no faith in the report though Saturninus was slain by his soldiers. Another man also began plotting rebellion in Britain who the emperor had bestowed the office on, Victorinus the Moor, who was dear to him and blamed him for it. On learning of this, Probus blamed Victorinus for it. He was asked by him to be sent, so he left as though truly fleeing the emperor and was received warmly by the usurper. He killed him during the night and returned to Probus. Probus was loved by everyone for his gentleness, kindness, and generousness with gifts.


When the Germans attacked cities subject to the Romans, he met them in a war which lasted for a great period of time in duration with famine breaking out in his camp. A violent thunderstorm is said to have come upon his camp and caused it to rain lots of grain if one is to believe such things. With the army's trust restored in him in this way, he was able to escape the peril and rout his opponents.


Another rebellion also broke out against him. For Carus the commander of the region of Europe had troops under him desirous of proclaiming him emperor, so he notified Probus of this begging to be recalled. However, he did not want to remove him from the command. And so the soldiers under Carus forced him to accept the office of Roman emperor and set off with him at once for Italy. Probus on learning of this sent an army under a commander to resist him. Yet the soldiers dispatched on approaching Carus put their own commander in chains and handed him along with themselves over to Carus. Probus was then slain by his own bodyguard when they learned of the soldiers defection to Probus. The period of Probus's reign was not six whole years.


When Carus came to power, he crowned his sons Carinus and Numerianus with the imperial diadem. Then he set out at once on campaign against the Persians along with his son Numerianus and seized Ctesiphon and Seleucia. The Roman army was nearly imperiled during the course of it. For it set up camp in a valley, which the Persians on seeing moved along the river flowing beside it and came to the valley by a passage. Carus, fortunately, attacked the Persians and routed them returning to Rome leading a great number of captives and a good deal of plunder. Then when the nation of the Sarmati rose up, he fought and subdued that nation. He was by birth a Galatian and brave and shrewd in wars. The story of his end is not agreed upon by historians. Some say he was campaigning against the Huns and was slain there, while others say that while he was encamped by the Tigris River where his army had set up camp, his tent was hit by a thunderbolt and they tell that he died in it.


When he had died in either this way or that way, his son Numerianus was left behind as the only emperor in the camp. He immediately marched off against the Persians and battle broke out in which the Persians gained the upper hand and the Romans were turned to flight. Some tell that he was taken captive in the flight and had his skin pulled off his whole body and thus died, while some historians write that he fell ill with ophthalmia on his way back from Persia and was slain by his own father-in-law, eparch of the camp, who was greedily eying imperial rule though he did not get it. The army chose instead Diocletian as emperor since he was there and had proven his courage by many deeds in the Persian war.


Meanwhile, Carus's other son Carinus, who was staying in Rome, proved himself antagonistic to the Romans becoming brutal, cruel, and begrudging and so was slain when Diocletian reached Rome. The period of their rule was not a full three years.


In those days, Manes thrice-be-cursed came from Persia to our region of the world and spread his own disease here. On this account the Manicheans have not died out until now. He named himself the Intercessor and the Holy Sprit being clearly the spirit of knavery, even calling himself Christ. He was anointed by the demons to act in their service even assembling his own twelve disciples who was privy to and heralds of his nonsense which he came up with out of many godless doctrines of already extinguished heresies.


Dionysius was shepherd of the faithful in Rome for nine years before he accomplished his purpose and died with Felix ascending the priestly throne of Rome. He died after a period of fifteen years and was succeeded by Eutychianus on the episcopate of Rome. He had not been bishop for ten months before he died and was succeeded in the service of shepherd by Gaius. He after heading the Church for near fifteen years was succeeded by Marcellinus. Throughout these times there were persecutions. For the Church of Antioch, Timaeus became bishop after Domnus, then Timaeus was succeeded by Cyril, while Cyril was succeeded by Tyrannus, under whom the siege of the Church reached its climax and the tyranny became unbearable. For the Church of Jerusalem, Zabdas became its head after Hymenaeus, after whose death Hermon succeeded to the throne. In Alexandria, Maximus acted in the service of the Divine for eighteen years after Dionysius before with his debt paid Theonas became bishop. Peter succeeded him and met with martyrdom having his head chopped off.


Such were the successions of the chief priests. And so Diocletian took the throne, who was Dalmatian by birth of undistinguished parentage and some say an emancipated slave of the senator Anulinus becoming dux of Mysia from the rank of simple soldier. Still others say he became cometus of the domestics, some reckoning domestics as cavalrymen. Talking with the soldiers, he affirmed he had not been privy to the murder of Numerian and while saying this turned toward Aprus praefectus of the army and said, “Here is his murderer”, who they immediately put to the sword violently. On reaching Rome, he laid claim to and came into the management of the affairs of the empire.

Sunday, January 16, 2011

Notes and Bibliography to Michael Attaleiates

These notes accompany my translation from the history of Michael Attaleiates on the reign of Romanos Diogenes, which is available here.

Notes


  1. The actual text of document by which she swore not to make a second marriage still survives. For this document, see N. Oikonomides, “Le serment de l’imperatrice Eudocie: un episode de l’histoire dynastique de Byzance” , Revue des Etudes Byzantines 21 (1963) 105-108

  2. John Xiphilinus was patriarch from 1064-1075.

  3. Melitene was on the border of Byzantine Mesopotamia part of its own theme.

  4. A reference to Michael VI the Old (1056-1057)

  5. Attaliates’ actual phrase is that they whipped them manless.

  6. PS pgs. 121-2: On this account, the vestarch Romanus, son of Constantine Diogenes was brought in to rule. The way in which he was brought in, I shall tell here. When Diogenes was appointed dux of Sardica, being a patrician, he asked the emperor Constantine Ducas to give him the honor of vestarch. The emperor though replied to him, "Show me deeds then ask payments", and sent him away empty-handed not giving in to his request. And so Diogenes left and came to Sardica coming upon the Pechenegs plundering the land and caused a great rout of them capturing many of them alive and sending the heads of the slain off to the emperor who gave him the honor of vestarch writing to him, "This is not my gift, Diogenes, but rather that of your own valor and bravery.” While he was staying there, he started to plot against the emperor, but he ceased in the plot fearing it come to light. Yet because the emperor died and the empire was being ravaged, he started conspiring with one of his most faithful men on it to join with the neighboring nations in it, who had been amicably disposed towards him since the time he had ruled over the lands by them giving them ample example of his nobleness.

  7. PS pg. 122 adds the following after ‘suffering’: for the body of Christian’s suffering ravaged almost daily by the Agarenes| after the rest is as follows in the translation.

  8. διογενές ‘Zeus sprung’ is meant to be simply as clever praise based on his surname

  9. Compare Attaliates’ description with that of Psellus in the following oration, the first of five to the emperor Romanus Diogenes:

    18. To the emperor Diogenes when he was emperor


    Now is a day of salvation, freedom from evils, now strength and might of New Rome, now an unshakeable tower of rule, a wall unagitable, a column unshaken, a foundation erected by the lands of the Lord. Now the Lord has looked into his heritage and stooped down from heaven and saw it, so he has sent from on high his angel to save us from present evils, future terrors, a mass of clouds [of men], and the leasing of arrows.


    Where now is the pride of the Persians? Where is the insolence of the Medians? Where is the Scythians' fearful attack? Where is boastful scorn of the of the Turks and irresistible attack of the barbarian?


    Now as though upon a scale everything is counterpoised and the scales turned. Now everything is anew, that of the enemy has changed and ours has changed as well. Now we behold a emperor, neither by call, nor scheme false, great as a giant, long of arm, mighty of strength, awesome unarmed, mighty and irresistible armed, in form worthy of rule, and in heart rivaling the prophet David.


    In you, divine emperor, a mass of everything is run together, awesomeness, brightness, and wonder; by birth unrivalled in nobility, in motherland the most beautiful of cities, in which there are noble natures, undefeatable strength, and unbearable might against barbarians. Such is the nature of your body that the barbarian can not bear it, while such is the nature of your spirit that we are gladdened at seeing it, irresistible base against enemies, which shines forth to us calmly and tamely. Diogenes [Zeus sprung] above, divine of form beneath; august in show, bright in thought, well-established in mind, noble in argument, sharp minded, swift-tongued, a rhetor as well as a soldier. Oh what an unexpected wonder to see the divides of words and arms, arrows and meters, verbs and charges, wisdom and panoply all gathered together paradoxically in your soul. You make war with a long arm, while you freely and tersely consort with your tongue, so that your are like a river as well as an aqueduct. The mind pours forth with thoughts, while the tongue overflows gently with the fineness of the words. You, emperor, speak as a rhetorician amongst the army, while you bring an attack on the word and sally forth with them on the matter. And when it is time to loose the arrows, you then stretch the bow tight, put the javelin in your arm, and mightily throw down the spear on the men arrayed against you. And where there is need of speaking, you gives speeches radiantly not adapting the cleverness of Demosthenes, but kindling the glories of Nestor of Pylius. When there is need of standing together with shields in rows and columns, you extend the phalanx, you wind it around, you turn the soldiers about, you change the arrangement, and astound the barbarian with martial rebuke.


    But now the speech is getting me to the empress, who I could not only enconomize, but also marvel at. Oh she ponders on so much good, minded to so much better. You defended our cities, you tore down the wall of the barbarians, you decorated the empire of Rome, you elevated yourself on high, your defended imperial rule for your sons, and with one thought and one deed brought all of this to the better. I almost want to dance with zeal and joy.


    Now a synod of lights, now heaven and earth are made merry, and all is glorified to the heights, and the hour truly that for panegyric. Since comparison is needed in a speech, I shall say something paradoxical, though it is very true. You, oh emperor, possess the tokens of victory against everyone only less than the empress, the despotess. While you, oh empress, appear without comparison amongst all women, I should not say all men as well, bearing second place, though content of this, to the emperor. Oh he is victorious over all men and she is victorious over all women, victorious over each other and defeated by one another. Oh, you are a an idol of males and you are the pride of females.


  10. Z pgs. 683-4:

    When these tidings reached the empress, they provided her with consternation. Many people were saying that an emperor was needed, so the empress afraid lest the common people make someone emperor and thus depose her and her children, decided to bring someone into to rule so that she might keep power for herself and her children and keep it from being taken away from them. They say it was not licentiousness, nor being overcome by Diogenes' handsomeness to suit herself, but the fact he was an energetic man, experienced in war, and incomparable in strength that made her elevate him to the imperial rule so that the advance of the barbarians be measurably checked with him resisting them.


    He was a man descended from a brilliant family and from men famous for their bravery. His father was the son-in-law of the child of the emperor Romanos Argyros' brother, who when he was accused of treason, committed suicide throwing himself down from a precipice


  11. PS pg. 123-4: Because the empress was afraid of the Senate, the Patriarch, the people who signed her oath, and those who witnessed it, she did not dare to marry anyone important and proclaim him emperor, so she decided to think beyond a woman and overcome by the patriarch by knavery and trickery and thus accomplish her desire and force back the attacking nations. Therefore she made one of the men in the gynaecium her ally in this. The man promised to by any means necessary accomplish her desire, razor sharp, the plan was this. The Patriarch had a brother named Bardas who was very lustful and inclined towards pleasures having no other merits in life. So the eunuch went to the patriarch and told him secretly about this, and that if he wanted it he had only to agree to overlook her terrible handwritten oath and the empress would marry his own brother and he would be immediately proclaimed emperor. Like the tuna [greedy man] he was the Patriarch took the bate and was soon each for the union deciding to inform the Senate about it. One by one, he called each of them to him constructing the necessity of the matter ridiculing the oath as unlawful and made for the jealousy of one man and not for the public interest, which, if the empress marry a noble and courageous men, it would be, since Romans might sprout afresh and expected already to be ready to be emasculated and extinguished. He brought them all around to it by persuading some with punishment an some with propitiations with bags of money and ripe atonements though he did not even abstain from fear of what might happen, And so, Diogenes was lead into palace all-in-arms and married to the empress. He was proclaimed emperor on the first of January of the sixth indiction in 6576 (1068) secretly meeting the empress’s sons. Immediately, the Varangian guard started to cause a stir because they held of proclaiming him contrary to public decree. Her son Michael appeared before them with his brothers announcing that they were in agreement with what had taken place and immediately started proclaiming him emperor in loud and piercing voices.

  12. basileus autocrator

  13. This incident is well attested to by Michael Psellos in his own history in the following words:

    6. In the meantime there had been whispered rumours, and the court got to know of the affair. The future emperor had already been chosen by her, and according to the arrangements they had made, this was the very day on which the prospective bridegroom was expected to arrive in the city. On the morrow the ceremony of coronation was to be performed. That evening the empress sent for me. When we were alone, she spoke to me with tears in her eyes. 'You must be aware,' she said, 'of our loss in prestige and of the declining fortunes of our Empire, with wars constantly springing up and barbarian hordes ravaging the whole of the east. How can our country possibly escape disaster?' I knew nothing of the things that had been going on, nor that the future emperor was already standing at the palace doors, so I replied that it was no easy matter to decide. 'It requires careful consideration,' I said. 'Better propose today and listen tomorrow, as the proverb says.' With a little laugh she went on, 'But deliberation is superfluous now. The matter has been considered already and the decision is made. Romanus, the son of Diogenes, has been invited to rule as emperor, in preference to all others.'


    7. These words filled me with instant consternation. I could not conceive what would become of me. 'Well then,' I said, 'tomorrow I too will give my advice on the matter.' -- 'Not tomorrow,' she replied 'but now. Give me your support.' I returned to the attack, with just one question: 'But your son, the emperor, who will presumably one day govern the Empire alone -- does he know what has happened too?' -- 'He is not entirely in the dark, although he does not yet know all the details,' she said. 'However, I am glad you mention my son. Let us go up to him together, and explain how things stand. He is sleeping above in one of the imperial apartments.'


    8. So we went up to him. How she felt about it I do not know, but I was most agitated. A sudden fit of trembling shook me through and through. She sat down on her son's bed, called him 'her emperor', 'her best of sons'. 'Rise up,' she said, 'and receive your step-father. Although he takes the place of your father, he will be a subject, not a ruler. I, your mother, have bound him in writing to observe this arrangement.' Well, the young man got up from his bed at once, and although he looked at me suspiciously I have no idea what he was thinking. Together with his mother he left the room in which he had been sleeping, and immediately came face to face with the new emperor. Without the slightest trace of emotion, his visage quite expressionless, he embraced Romanus, becoming at once his colleague on the throne and his friend.


    9. Thereupon the Caesar was also summoned. Never were his diplomatic qualities seen to better advantage. First he made some tactful inquiries about his nephew the emperor, then added a few words of commendation in praise of Romanus. This was followed by congratulations for all the imperial party. One could almost hear him singing the wedding song and see him taking his fill from the nuptial drinking-bowl. And that is how the government of the Empire passed into the hands of the next sovereign, Romanus.


    Excerpted from E.R.A. Sewter's translation of Michael Psellos's Chronographia accessed online at http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/psellus-chrono00.html

  14. PS pg. 124: The empress ruled along with her sons for seven months and a little bit more.

  15. PS pg. 124 adds: who proved a obstacle for him from the beginning until the end and poorly dealt with Roman affairs leaving them in their current state.

  16. PS pg 125: after the passage of two months

  17. The word here is νεοπαγὴς, which is being used metaphorically. In Galen, the word used with cheese can mean 'newly curdled cheese', while with blood it can mean 'newly congealed.'

  18. This next oration of Michael Psellus seems to have been delivered right before Romanus Diogenes left on his first campaign.

    19. To same man in the form of an encomium


    Where ever are you going, most radiant sun, great light of truth? How also patiently you bear leaving behind the moon of the world, under which you are shown and which you shine brighter than? Was it love for us and desire to keep the Queen of Cities free of all vassalage and attack from barbarians that persuaded you to disdain you body, spirit, and dearest ones? O vivacious soul, o flaming heart, o noble sentiment, the luxury and enjoyment of imperial rule did not enchant you; nor did the decorum of rule and the remaining adornments of it as well as the beauty of the diadem overcome you. But as though God had raised you upon the throne, so we might revel and enjoy ourselves, while you look after us with many labors and plague yourself with many anxious thoughts as well as adorning your head with the diadem and the point of your spear against your enemies. O brave deed, o high state of mind, you did not stay here for the change of season, but in the middle of winter, when the sun is hidden beneath the clouds, when it is the most dim in the sky, as though hard steel capable of sustaining all [sorts of] blows and broken apart by nothing, not the terrible winter, not a great storm, and not the terrible cold, you set out from the Queen of Cities and advanced against the kingdom [τυραννίδος] of the enemy.


    Such a course for an emperor to take at the beginning shows for us thus a good, thus a noble, thus a gentle, thus full of audacity emperor. Also that everything about you is beyond noble: birth, manner, life, the adornment of the body, the greatness of spirit, desire for God, the awesome love for us, the noble mind, the generous hand, free rightness, and spring of favors. O how sweet it is for us they we should have the good fortune to have you as emperor. O the pain of our opponent when we see you as though our sun advance on another world.


    May you overpower completely the enemy and opponent in combat, may you crown your head with radiant routs. May you adorn yourself with noble deeds against the barbarians and may you render for your spear many victories. May the sun not burn during the day and the moon at night, but a column of light guide you, and the sea part for you, the rivers give way, and the angels sent forth light over all the land. May we behold you return with routs to us adorned with noble laurels, o imperial wonder, sight most worthy of the state, and most noble light of our moon.


  19. PS pg. 125 adds to composition of army: from Macedonian, Bulgarians, Cappadocians, Uz, and other nations, as well as the Franks and Varrangians

  20. PS pg. 125: There was a paradox sight: the famous champions of the Romans, who had enslaved the east and west standing all together numbering only a few men born into poverty and lacking in complete armament, in place of blades and other weapons, as the Bible says, carrying hunting spears and scythes bereft of war mounts and other war items...

  21. district between Libanus and Anti-libanus

  22. PS pg. 126 changes statement: he left the road for the theme of Lycandus during the summer planning to...

  23. PS pg. 127 adds: and Argaos for the mountains he marched through

  24. PS pg. 128: Apsinalios

  25. PS pg. 128 adds: The ancients had a maxim for this: it is better for a lion to rule deer than a deer to rule lions.| I think here the writer did what I did the first time reading through the text and took the ἐκεῖνοι to mean Romanus‘s own soldiers, but there he might for fall from right and truthful understanding. I am not even sure as to the meaning of this phrase.

  26. PS pg. 129: Libellisius

  27. PS pg. 129 adds: or Berroea

  28. PS pg. 129: Turks

  29. PS pg. 130: It was worthy of astonishment that this disaster and defeat of the Romans should causes not one of the remaining soldiers and officers to rise to avenge themselves, but instead all of them remain sitting down as though encamped on allied land desiring to keep to themselves stirred to no zeal or desire to fight.

  30. PS pg. 131: Pharasmanes

  31. PS pg. 132: Terchola

  32. Z pg. 692: Angered that he was not able to do anything about it, he put his army in order so that they could pass the winter with any deficiencies and returned to the Queen of Cities feeling boastful that he had done much not only for others, but also for the empress. She on the contrary perceiving her expectations defeated was displeased and had her heart swollen up unable to bear the afflictions.

  33. This next oration of Psellus does not have any clear place so I place it here after his first victory:

    20. A declamation to the emperor Romanus Diogenes before the citizens in the cletorium.


    Now first I behold an soldier emperor, now first a see a general and emperor. Your head flashes with a golden crown, while no less in your right hand there is an awesome spear. With a gentle eye you regard us citizens, while with a piercing stare you strike fear into the barbarians. Your voice is sweet towards us, while it is a piercing cry to your opponents. Your face is joyous to us, while to your opponents it is an awesome, martial rebuke.


    O emperor, soldier, and general, and any other resplendent noun. O holder of all merit, whether of the city, or of the commander. O universal benefit to soldiers and citizens, great advantage to the Queen of Cities, which was lowered to its knees, but now against hope is recovering and greatly concerned for you, lord and emperor, crowning you with your victories, proclaiming your routs, and speaking about them to not only you. O torch-bearing light, you shine down on me with boundless light. O radiant sun, returning from the east, you have come to the center of the day covering all the earth with your sparkling light.


    Where were once and again you, the blush of imperial rule were away from me? You saw me an old woman, but now you have made me a young woman again and returned to the old beauty and strength of youth. Besides this, I kiss you on the eyes which have gone many time without sleep for me, caress your hands which you have covered many times with the slaughter of barbarians, and cling to your chest prominent with the scars of wounds which you received thrown at you. I bring to you them people I have given me names and fed, the citizens, who I put before and bring them forward before you as suppliants and dear ones. Embrace them for me kindly, be generous to them abundantly. They loves you and praise you , since you return to them many more times that.


    This, most divine emperor, the city declaims to you. Let you rise up and change its standing changed for the worse to the better. Put away the beautiful and become beautiful with your struggles. It was a fading light, but its most divine lover and beloved, the man who showed the might of the Romans mightier than the barbarians, the man previously having the fact of imperial rule, not having the name as well, emperor of emperors, commander of commanders is truly the most marvelous fact and name of this great and most famous of cities.


  34. PS pg. 134 adds: the Bulgarian, brother of the emperor's wife, who he married while he was still a private citizen

  35. ἐπισκέψει is something of a mystery to me. It appears in numerous monastic documents, but I cannot quite get the sense for what it is exactly. It would seem almost to refer to a suburb since there is the walled city (κάστρον) and also the ἐπισκέψις At least perhaps it means the area around the walled part of the city. Melangeia means in modern terms ‘Black Lands’, so-named for the dark color of the soil.

  36. PS pg. 135 adds: namely the Uz

  37. PS pg. 136 adds: from the Brachami family

  38. PS pg. 137: Munzarum

  39. PS pg. 137: Celtzena| probably a scribal error.

  40. PS pg. 137: The soldiers left behind with Philaretus, filled by abject fear of their opponents and seized by it, started to march behind the emperor leaving the places they had been entrusted to guard until they got to Anthiae. There the enemy suddenly appeared from behind took to flight without even a battle and came to the emperor in Celtzena by foot.

  41. PS pg. 139 is more direct: When the emperor was informed of this he only seemed to be pleased hiding his envy.

  42. PS pgs. 140-2 inserts the following paragraph: Previously, the attack and destruction of the nations subject to the Romans seemed to manifest divine anger against heretics such as the Armenians living in Iberia and Mesopotamia until Lycandus, Melitene, and the adjacent lands, as well as those worshiping after the Judaic mode of Nestorius and the heresy of the bishopless, since the lands of this heresy are numerous. However, when the orthodox suffered this misfortune, everybody worshipping after the mode of the Romans was stuck dumb and forced to examine what had happened and especially what happened to Amorium and to reckon and believe that only was their faith not correct, but also that their lifestyle did not compare to their faith. Because of this both the man erring in his faith and that imperfect in his life were receiving their punishment, while the doer and teacher was praised and blessed. When he heard this, the emperor had been eager to start off and help his own land, but he was prevented from doing so by his counselors and ignorance of the number of his opponents. They were Nicephorus Palaeologus, the most honored and counsel of philosopher Constantine Psellus, and above all the Caesar the brother of the previous emperor, who wanted him dead after this because oppressive to them and very beholden. They hated him for being a noble and courageous man and for dealing with the sons of Ducas as successors to the throne. Yet so they openly began to form a conspiracy against him.

  43. For a more detailed account of this episode, see the following except of Nicephorus Bryennius pgs 10-12

    Encouraged by these words, the sultan sent a force of nearly twenty thousand men against the Romans making its commander the son of his brother Asan [Hasan], called Kophos, urging him to go in all haste to the land of Media and take possession of it if it would not submit to him. From there, the Turks initiated the war against the Romans, which they have continued to carry out until the present day. However, here let us return to the original track of my narrative. Manuel, as it was said, the curopalates, was appointed commander of the eastern legions by Diogenes and was staying near the lead of Chaldia guarding it against the raids of the Turks. When Turkish plans were announced to him for an army of Turks under the command of Chrysosculus, who was descended from the sultan, to seize and pillage the village-towns of the Armeniac theme, he took his forces and advanced against the Turks scattering them and routing them easily when he met them going on a foraging expedition. He got very close to the Turkish camp while pursuing them and fell into a sudden ambush resisting valiantly, while he was still able to, before the Roman phalanx was turned to flight and scattered him included being surrounded by the Turks and captured along with his two brother-in-laws Melissenus and Taronites. A few Romans also fell. Lead before Chrysosculus, he thought himself to have done nothing worthy of his race having taken flight. On this account when he decided to rebel against the sultan having won victory over him and desiring power over the Persians, Manuel decided he ought to make a trial of him. Coming before him all alone and having examined his position, he decided that this man was very afraid that he did not have a force worthy of the sultan, so he spoke to him with soft words softening his harsh resolution pushing him with energetic words towards a second essay. He said that since he was lacking in sufficient force it was impossible for him to resist the master of Persia, he would never succeed in his plans unless he desert to the emperor of the Romans and make him his ally in his venture. He took his counsel and made his guide swiftly coming to the capital prevailed over and conquered by the arms and cleverness of these words. This deed brought the curopalates great glory and was very praiseworthy. The emperor received them both warmly and honored them with many gifts.


    When spring was starting, he marched off against the Turks accompanied by Chrysosculus. When he reached Bithynia, the curopalates caught an ear-infection and died causing great grief to the emperor.


  44. PS pg. 142: the day of Orthodoxy

  45. For this rhetorical work see none other Michael Psellus's twenty-first and last public oration for Romanos Diogenes translated below:

    21. A Syntacterius Oration to the emperor.


    Let a syntacterius oration here be spoken about your most kind soul both as such for leaving and thus marvelous. It is thus a commingling of prayers and tears by us to you, our most excellent lord and emperor.


    May you return from the east to the east again and again like lightning as the sun in its unending cycle does, a rich light shining down on your subjects and scorching the barbarians. Besides this, may you extinguish Babylonian fire, rein in the impulses of lions, and draw fire down from the sky against the hostile phalanx. May you split the sea asunder, drive back the river, and make war on Amalek.


    A cloud may cast a shadow over your head stripping you of your burn, but a pillar of light goes before your shield guiding you. May the Lord smooth away any high and rough mountain, fill the ravines for you, and make the curves straight. May you don up your head with wreaths of victory and may you return to us with with myriads of victories gloried with many routs. May the angels fight alongside you and God act as your fellow general and cover the new Pharaoh with the sea for you.


    Further, may you reconcile the chasms and cut down the wall of the palisade, making a hostile enemy into a friendly one by your might, most imperial and victorious.


    I speak with one voice for the voices of many when I say this to you last: may you not stay long from us who wish to see you, but may you return in haste more bright with victories and more radiant, o most excellent of all emperors incomparable in clandestine beauty and greatness of nature.


  46. PS pg. 142: ...but at Helenopolis, which the locals call more rurally Eleeinopolis, which did not seem a good omen.

  47. Yet the stupidity of men, so to say poor habits, lack in faith in obvious proof, and the unintelligible did not put trust in one of them, but the obvious was ignored and no sense was given to what was come hurled from above.

  48. PS pg. 143: Tzombus

  49. PS pg. 143: the attack

  50. When he perceived it, the emperor mounted his horse and called his soldiers together astounding his foreign men and again subordinating them, ordering this only as punishment: that they put in the furthest away parts for his own security.

  51. Here it would seem there was a Byzantine word for the agent who took control of the city that Attaliates considered too barbaric to be used in his narrative because he replaced it with a participle meaning 'he who takes over.' I would suspect that it is Latin in origin

  52. The practice of Bible divination, sors evangelica, is a long Byzantine tradition. We find Heraclius doing the same thing at challenging junctions in his war with the Persians. The priest would open the Bible and turn to the random page to a random verse that would then be interpreted for what it boded for the future.

  53. The full quotation which the priest turned to was John 15.20-16.3

  54. PS pg. 145 adds to divination: god sent

  55. PS pg. 146: And so the enemy surrounded him and took him captive leading him off to the sultan in chains. On coming before his sight, he did not stand a slave nor as a captive taken to the sultan. Nor did the sultan treat him like a slave or a captive, but had him constantly in his presence asking about the emperor showing him his own might and filling him with terror and fear. The man praised all of this and counseled him taking liberty that the Roman emperor's force standing against him was at a disadvantage.

  56. PS pg. 147: When morning came, a contingent of Uzes, having a commander Tamin thus called a Scythian appointed by Tornicus Cotertzes, deserted to the enemy.

  57. PS pg 147: He was ignorant that Tarchaniotes persuaded as well Ruselius, who was minded to come aid the emperor, learning of the arrival of sultan and his approach on the emperor had set out with his men and fled ignobly through Mesopotamia to Roman territory, the cowardly man not even sending a message to his master or doing any befitting.

  58. PS pg. 147-8: Yet he assented and gave them a cross so that by this sign they could return to him unharmed bearing carrying tidings which they might learn from the sultan. For what he sent, induced by the hopelessness of the situation was that the sultan would leave the place and make camp further away from his encampment, while the emperor would set up camp at that place where the Turks had had their encampment and would come to terms with him. He was offering victory to the enemy high-mindedly just as those in the know had agreed, the most victorious symbol, the cross being sent to him.

  59. Z pg. 700: In the midst of this, ambassadors came from the sultan to discuss peace. The emperor did not altogether warmly receive them he gave them messages and permitted them to return to their lord and say that, "If you want to discuss peace, leave behind the place in which you are encamped move camp to somewhere far away so I can set up camp with the Roman army where the barbarian encampment now is." With this said boastfully to the ambassadors, he commanded them to go back shortly. They reported the emperor's words to the sultan and he with the men about him were [still] desirous of peace agreement. As the emperor was arrogant, he was persuaded by some of the men about him who said that the sultan was afraid that he did not have sufficient enough an army and was therefore seeking peace so that battle should be avoided and he could bring in another force, so neither waiting for the return of the ambassadors nor thinking of anything else he ordered the war trumpets to be sounded.

  60. PS pg. 149 adds: Andronicus, the son of the Caesar

  61. PS pg. 150 testifies sultan named Axan
  62. PS pg. 150-1: When he was assured by the ambassadors and Basiliacus that the man thrown before his feet was him giving off a pitiful lament, he straightaway as though a mad man sprung up from his throne and put it right. He put his foot on the man before his foot as customary and rose up him embracing him saying to him, "Do not fear, o emperor, but be of good cheer, since you will suffer no bodily harm and shall be honored worthy of the excellence of your majesty. Foolish is he who does not reverence the unexpected fortunes he is given."

  63. Z pg. 703: He said, "Do not grieve, emperor, for such it is to be human. I will conduct myself towards you not a as a captive, but as an emperor."

  64. The long lasting memory of Mantzikiert even lived on as a major down turn in Byzantium's decline in the following excerpt from Bessarion's encomium to Trebizond:

    Bessarion: Encomium to Trebizond pgs. 182-3:
    From Egypt, the Saracens, from Persia again, the Turks came as well as lands below, the former putting Palestine, Syria, and Pamphylia beneath them, while the latter put everything in between up until Bithynia under them and enslaved them including even taking the Roman emperor Romanus surnamed Diogenes captive, while the Romans held Europe and everything towards the dawning sun in word, while the Scythians, Huns, and the Pecheneg race and I know not who else attacked it on all sides and plundered all of the Mysians.


  65. Z pg. 703: He then came to Theodosiopolis clothed barbarically (the sultan had provided him his own vestments)...| Zonaras confuses the Greek word στολή 'vestment/army', which actually based on context refers to the Turkish army with him. Even Greek writers of the age make mistakes!

  66. Z pg. 704: When news of his capture reached the capital, people were split amongst themselves by it. Some were in favor of giving the empress power again, others giving the whole thing to the elder of his sons, and still others working out joint rule between the empress and her sons.

  67. PS pg. 152: One of the first to rise up to his proclamation was the counsel of philosophers Psellus just as he boasts in his books. It is said that the empress was of this persuasion not to receive Diogenes in return

  68. These two lacunae are in the text as published by Bekker.

  69. Attaliates in his account understandably forgets that Andronicus received Diogenes like a gentleman feting his return with a lavish banquet, as Psellus tells us (Chapter 49). Attaliates understandably 'forgets' this event since the irony of it would have been more than most men could handle. The man who had betrayed him at Mantzikiert, now received him generously.

  70. Bibliotheca graeca Medii Aevi by Constantine Sathas. Tomos V. 1876, pgs. 392-4


    145. To Andronicus Ducas while on campaign against Romanus Diogenes


    I am not amazed that you have conquered and taken hold of the enemy by your superiority, most noble and martial man, my dearest friend, because of as such your honor, strategic sagacity, and your cunning in war. I praise you for your marches, advances, stratagems [here word also carries negative connotation of thievery and fraud], devices, thoughtful invention, and embellished change of scale. I amazed with you for your struggles, presence in the battle, phalanx, the appearances before the routs, the division on both in columns…and of the opponent, either crosswise or on each sides, one of them in columns, the other in the cycles that men cunning in this name them. For it does not thus happen either with great fear or from the first vestibule, resplendent with victory and victories you may be received again by us, but from martial plans, from tactical movements, from lines and divisions, and noble fights and such things as the head of a general is crowned by.


    At that moment, we all stood midway in the air divided in our opinions on both sides and very joyous for any news from where you were. The greater part of us and more divine voices were pleased, thrice-beloved and most magnificent man, to hear from your messengers of your rout by name and victory. It has thus been written in the above books, or rather from above you have received these noble deeds as gifts.


    You, although the head of the serpent is not yet broken, have announced this good news. It has already been lost on us, since the full length of the serpent has not yet been taken care of, while the arch-evil head has not yet been broken, though may the beast may be struck down by your lightning bolt and this, not deep below nor unseen, but high up and manifest as you come upon the den, strip down the remaining parts, and inflict a terrible poison throughout it for the righteous.


    You, with a hand of gold, arms of steel, and a chest of bronze, when you have completed it, please send news. For I am already devising words of praise for you for when there is final victory and I shall place an uncontaminated laurel gathered from Attic meadows upon your head.


    However, there is still the basilisk upon my mind! Of whom do I speak? The most wily Chataturius, who please do not let escape and slip through your hands. Let the beast be captured at once by your hands, since he is not a part of length of the serpent, but at the same level with the head of the serpent.


    After all of this, shall I pour [kisses] around your neck, shall I caress your right hand stained with righteous blood seeing with my own eyes the fair sight, and shall I proclaim you in the middle of the City climbing upon the highest surface so that my voice may be heard throughout the world, if it is possible, to make it heard the furthest away?


    What is there for me to make famous of you, most sagacious of all men? For not, if you prescribe it shall it be of a contrary nature, since the memory should not be from set purpose, not from commandment, but bubbling up from below gushing forth in noble substance. I will make you famous even in Hades if indeed that is where spirits are left to remembrance.


    You need craft no message about yourself, since this happening suffices for you in the place of any, even this one of mine, although it shall shortly be said, that you have caused the death of the empire of the Romans.


  71. Romanus Diogenes had two sons by the Augusta Eudocia, Nicephorus and Leo, who Anna Comnena attests to, without whom this reference might be lost on us.

  72. I think this speech might need some explanation with all of Attaliates’ rhetoric and unending sentences in a paraphrase and explanation. As he says in the paragraph following this speech is meant to be like something you would find in Sophocles, a dramatic speech delivered at that very moment to Michael Parapinaces, clothed both in pagan and Christian language:

    O emperor, what do you think should be done with this man. Has he wronged anyone by sacrificing himself for the Roman Empire when he could have sat around in the palace and been lazy? He has been recognized and well treated by his enemy who recognize their victory comes from God. How can you order his eyes put out when he no longer poses any threat to you having renounced the empire, renounced public life, and become a monk? He poses no threat, yet you are insatiable in your lust for power and so you order this respecting nothing not even kin. Woe be upon you, o emperor, and may fortune curse you for ambition.


  73. PS pg. 154 adds after Colonia the name Theophilus

  74. Z pg. 706 adds the following explanation: His eyes were very cruelly put out and because no care was given his head swelled up and the wounds caused it to become infested with worms, while the air about him was rank with the foul smell of rot.

  75. καὶ πρὸ τῆς τελευτῆς ὀδωδώς

  76. PS pg. 154-5: It is said these things were done without the knowledge of the emperor Michael, who later confirmed them, the Caesar conceiving them and arranging them secretly.

  77. Here I think is the appropriate place to add a short excerpt from the Timarion, the Byzantine equivalent of Dante's Inferno, written in the eleventh to twelfth century in which Romanus Diogenes figures. The narrator has recently died and like any good Greek gone to Hades not Hell where he is escorted about and meets a man who he asks about a tent he keeps hearing moans from:

    As I had told him all about things in life, I asked him who was the man living in that tent and who the elder was beside it and the reasons for bellowing.


    The vulgar man said:


    The man living in the tent whose who innermost laments you have heard is the famous Diogenes from Cappadocia. Chiefly what I know about his life is that he was brought in to rule, that he marched against the eastern Scythians, and that he was taken captive. Then he was freed and tried to return to Byzantium and was not permitted to continue ruling, but was taken hold of by war and oath and treacherously, as you see, blinded being brought to these things by a trick of mischievous terror [or 'cunning man'].



Bibliography


  • Attaliates, Michael. ed. Immanuel Bekker. Historia. Corpus Scriptorium Historiae Byzantinae. Bonn, 1853.

  • Bessarion. ed S, Lambros. Εγκώμιον εις Τραπεζούντα. Νέος Ελληνομνήμων 13. 1918.

  • Bryennius, Nichephorus. ed. Augustus Meinecke, Corpus Scriptorium Historiae Byzantinae. Bonn. 1836.

  • Psellus, Michael. ed. Constantine Sathas. Bibliotheca graeca Medii Aevi. Tomos V. 1876.

  • Psellus, Michael. Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, trans. E.R.A. Sewter, rev. ed., (New York: Penguin, 1966).

  • Pseudo, Scylitzes. ed. E.T. Tsolakes. Ἡ συνέχεια τῆς χρονογραφίας τοῦ Ἰωάννου Σκυλίτση Ἑταιρεία Μακεδονικῶν Σπουδῶν. Ἵδρυμα Μελετῶν Χερσονήσου τοῦ Αἵμου 105. Thessalonica, 1968.

  • Timarion. R. Romano, Pseudo-Luciano, Timarione. Byzantina et neo-hellenica neapolitana 2. Naples: Università di Napoli. Cattedra di filologia bizantina, 1974.

  • Zonaras, John. ed. L. Dindorf. Ioannis Zonarae epitome historiarum, vol. 3. Leipzig: Teubner, 1870.